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This interdisciplinary book straddles the fields of history, politics, religion and sociology, and medieval and modern history. Its importance lies in its contribution to arguments about the meaning and origin of nationalism, ethnicity and nationhood, and in challenging the widely-accepted "modernist" theories of Eric Hobsbawm, Benedict Anderson and others. Its argument incorporates careful analysis of English, Irish, South Slav and African examples, and suggests finally an important contract between Christianity and Islam.
- Sales Rank: #1687768 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 1997-11-13
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .55" w x 5.98" l, .94 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 248 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Hastings writes with great clarity and a welcome freedom from current linguistic fashions in historical scholarship....He has added substantially to the growing body of evidence that the vernacular implantation of Christianity has generally been subversive, rather than supportive, of claims to imperial hegemony." Church History
About the Author
(1929-2001) Former professor emeritus of theology at theUniversity of Leeds in England. A theologian and churchhistorian, he wrote several books including A History ofChristianity in Africa, A History of EnglishChristianity, and The Church in Africa andedited A World History of Christianity and TheOxford Companion to Christian Thought. In recognitionof his scholarly achievements he was proposed for electionto a Fellowship of the British Academy, but died before theformal elections were held.
Most helpful customer reviews
50 of 50 people found the following review helpful.
Unique contribution to the study of nationalism
By Edward Bosnar
This book has already been criticized as a blatant promotion of the "primordialist" view of nations and nationalism, i.e. the claim that nations have existed as one of the prime forms of human (self-) identification and organization since time immemorial. Such criticisms are, I think, not entirely on the mark. What Hastings does in this book more than anything else is challenge the incredibly structural/functionalist view that nations and nationalism are simply a by-product of industrialization and the increasingly complex division of labor in human societies-a model constructed and most extensively explained by Ernest Gellner. While useful and interesting, Gellner's model often has to bend and fold historical facts to make them "fit." In fact, Hastings takes Gellner's rigid model and applies it to early medieval England, where shows that according to Gellner's criteria, one can even speak of a nascent English nation in the era of the Venerable Bede and King Alfred. The most important point Hastings makes is to fault the strictly modern view of national development as overly simplistic. Nation formation and national identity are actually long-term historical processes which, although closely tied to industrialization and modernization, were and are not strictly bound to the latter nor always dependent on them. Although I don't necessarily agree with all of Hastings' conclusions, nor even his analytical methods, I think this is a very interesting and useful contribution to the scholarly literature on nationalism.
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Group behavior and emotion
By Thomas W. Blakey
Recently, I have been reading about group behavior, why we form groups, and, in general, nationalism/religion, etc. This is a short, well written, and informative treatment of the subject.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Nations and Nationalism Emerged Long Before the Enlightenment. Clergy Unite Peasants and Landlords in National Consciousness
By Jan Peczkis
This book is written to counter the “modernist” interpretation of nations as exemplified by Eric Hobsbawm, Benedict Anderson, and Ernest Geller. The author begins with medieval Europe. However, time and time again, author Adrian Hastings returns to ancient Israel as an example of a nation. (p. 3, 18, 186).
WHAT DO THE TERMS MEAN?
To avoid ambiguity, Hastings defines his terms as follows (p. 3)(direct quotes):
An ethnicity is a group of people with a shared cultural identity and spoken language…
A nation is a far more self-conscious community than an ethnicity. Formed from one or more ethnicities, and normally identified by a literature of its own, it possesses or claim the right to political identity and autonomy as a people, together with the control of specific territory, comparable to that of biblical Israel and of other independent entities in a world thought of as one of nation-states.
A nation-state is a state which identifies itself in terms of one specific nation whose people are not seen simply as “subjects” of the sovereign but as a horizontally bonded society to whom the state in a sense belongs. [See also p. 25].
---------------------------------------End of direct quotes-------------------------------------------------------------------
PEASANTS WERE, OR COULD BE, NATIONALLY CONSCIOUS
Author Adrian Hastings rejects the Marxist argument, as held by Eric Hobsbawm, which would have us believe that peasants would not identify with a “country”, as their chief discontent was with the landlords. Hastings points out that one can be discontented with rulers, yet still identify with the nation. He also points to the crucial role of the clergy in bringing together the peasants and landlords into a sense of shared local, provincial, and national identity. (p. 192).
For examples of national consciousness among pre-literate, enserfed Polish peasants, please click on, and read my detailed review, of The Nation in the Village: The Genesis of Peasant National Identity in Austrian Poland, 1848-1914.
EUROPEAN NATIONS
Perhaps this book is a bit too Anglocentric. Hastings claims to find England a nation and nation-state, in essentially the modern sense, as early as the 10th century. (pp. 4-5. See also p. 56, 207).
Hastings also rejects the notion that Germany and Italy, each having become united into single nations only in the 19th century, are thereby new nations. Thus, already by medieval times, the German people had political consciousness as a single entity (p. 106), and the REGNUM TEUTONICUM meant that the Germans understood themselves as a community of law, custom and kinship before even their identification with the Holy Roman Empire in the fourteenth century. (p. 107). In like manner, an Italian national identity was already recognized in the fifteenth century. (p. 116).
MODERN AFRICAN NATIONS
The author rejects the argument that different tribal or ethnic identities were the products of European colonial rule. (p. 149). In addition, the advent of literacy did not manufacture ethnic identities among the locals. It only made the differences, which were pre-existing, less fluid and more canonical. (p. 157).
Finally, Hastings concludes that, “African nationalism, I am suggesting, has hardly existed except where it has been ethnically based, linguistically held together, and biblically watered.” (p. 163).
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